Noem’s penny-pinching decree stalls FEMA’s vital rescue deployment amid deadly 23‑ft inundation

As central Texas flooded over the Fourth of July weekend, tragedy unfolded at breakneck speed. In under an hour, the Guadalupe River surged more than 23 feet, sweeping away campers, cabins, and vehicles. By Wednesday, the death toll approached 120, and over 160 remained missing. But behind the heartbreak lies a bureaucratic bottleneck that paralysed the nation’s disaster response: FEMA, the federal agency charged with helping, sat largely idle, trapped in red tape.

Why? A new order from Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. Every FEMA contract or grant above $100,000—an amount officials describe as “pennies” in emergency terms—now needs Noem’s personal approval before funds are released. It’s part of her aggressive cost-cutting campaign, but when the flood hit, it meant FEMA could not move.

Normally, FEMA would have rushed Urban Search and Rescue teams into position as the rain poured. These elite squads are trained for fast-moving flood disasters. But instead of acting, FEMA waited—for over 72 hours—until Noem signed off.

“We were ready to go,” said one FEMA official. “But the authority just wasn’t there anymore.” By the time permission came through on Monday, the crucial early window to save lives had already narrowed.

Other FEMA efforts were similarly delayed. Aerial imagery needed to assist search teams remained unavailable because it required contract clearance. FEMA call centres fielding desperate pleas for help were understaffed, their expansion also on hold pending approval.

Noem’s office defended the delays. Her spokesperson claimed other Homeland Security assets—like the Coast Guard and Border Protection—were activated early on. FEMA’s role, they said, was secondary and evolved as needs changed.

But within FEMA, the story is one of chaos and confusion. Staffers speak of a system unsure of its own mission, hobbled by new rules at the worst possible time. Some officials say the agency is still reeling from months of upheaval, including the appointment of acting Administrator David Richardson, a former Marine with no prior experience in disaster management.

Richardson has not yet visited Texas. Internal records show that only 86 FEMA staff were deployed by Monday night—far below the typical federal presence in disasters of this magnitude. The number rose to just over 300 by Tuesday, but the damage had been done.

Meanwhile, Texas was left to carry the burden largely on its own. Governor Greg Abbott’s office deployed more than 2,100 personnel from 20 state agencies. Mutual aid from other states also helped, but not without hiccups—at least one state refused to send assistance until FEMA confirmed it would cover costs. That confirmation was also delayed.

The new FEMA model reflects a broader vision under the Trump administration: states take the lead in disasters, and the federal government steps back. President Trump praised the response, saying federal teams arrived “faster than anybody’s ever seen.” But that’s not how it felt on the ground.

Noem made her position clear in a press conference on Tuesday: “We, as a federal government, don’t manage these disasters. The state does.” She later added that FEMA should be “eliminated and remade.”

Yet while politicians debate structure and spending, families in Kerrville, Center Point, and beyond continue searching riversides for missing loved ones. With hurricane and wildfire seasons just beginning, FEMA insiders warn that future disasters may only worsen under the current system.

At its core, the Texas flood response shows what happens when ideology trumps urgency. When every dollar is scrutinised before it’s spent—even in a crisis—those most in need are left waiting. And in emergencies, waiting costs lives.